Language：Japanese   Publisher：Meiji University Graduate School of Governance Studies  

This article examines future trends of BRICS and considers very important whether China, India and Russia can keep and construct a good relationship.

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Authorship：Lead author   Language：English   Publisher：Meiji University Graduate School of Governance Studies  

This article attempts to provide a critical review of the concept of governance in a globalized era and extract its future challenges.

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Authorship：Lead author   Language：English   Publishing type：Research paper (scientific journal)   Publisher：The Association of Northeast Asian Regional Studies Japan  

China's two main principles of foreign policy, global governance and core interests and their relationship are analyzed.

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：The Japan Society for International Development  

<p>This article aims to analyze how the main actors of global governance in education emerged since the 2000s define and view equality and equity of education and to address its challenges and potentials. Borrowing the analytical perspectives from global governance theories and the UNESCO's conceptual framework on five dimensions of knowledge, the authors reviewed the goals, targets, and indicators set by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as well as the selected documents published by the main actors (i.e. World Bank, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), United Nations Educational, Scientific, Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Fast Track Initiative (FTI) and United Nations Girls Education Initiatives (FTI-UNGEI), Global Campaign for Education (GCE), Collective Consultation of NGOs for Education for All (CCNGO/EFA)) which discuss equality and equity of education between 2010 and 2015.</p><p>The authors found that the definition and theoretical perspective on equality and equity of education vary across actors of global governance. It is especially evident that equity of knowledge acquisition and utilization draws more attention than equity of creation, control, and relevance of knowledge. While the SDGs have widened its horizon on equity to include new values of education such as Education for Sustainable Development, culture of peace and non-violence, and global citizenship that apply to developed countries as well as developing countries, its indicators are still ambivalent and constrained by the orthodox dichotomy of development status and gender. Neoliberal and communitarian ideas are mixed in the discourses of the documents. For global governance to embrace the notion of 'international justice' or 'global justice' in equality and equity of education, an untiring and rigorous efforts and arrangements will be required to promote dialogue at all levels.</p>

DOI： 10.32204/jids.25.1-2_35

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：Graduate School of Governance Studies, Meiji University  

Comparative Study is done on each region&#039;s regionalism.

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Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (scientific journal)   Publisher：Toshindo Publishing Co.,Ltd.  

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Language：Japanese  

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Language：English   Publisher：JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS  

In low-income countries, more attention is being paid to the relationship between decentralization and conflict. The collapse of centralized political systems and the rise of identity group politics in the 1990s, facing various types of inequality and social confusion, have induced researchers and development agency to conduct new studies and questioned how decentralization could work for the purpose of conflict prevention. Therefore, this paper reviews the relationship between decentralization and conflict prevention in Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya as a case study.<br>Analyzing various issues such as the relationship between democratization and decentralization, the effect of conflict prevention, stateness and federalism, and ethnic groups and politics, the paper concludes that decentralization in these countries has some conflict preventive effects, but there are some supplementary factors. They are related to ethnic group characteristics, historical socio-political structure, structure and mode of behavior of political party and the support from the citizens.<br>Key observations are summarized as below. First, majoritarian parliamentary democracy has the risk of political instability, if it is linked with inequality of the ethnic groups and other historical conditions. Decentralization and autonomy have been seen as ways to keep one group from monopolizing state power. Decentralization can be facilitated under one party or virtual one party system which pretends to encourage democratization. Decentralization supports democratization trends from the bottom of the society, and at the same time, contributes to forming a national patronage network linking the center and local. Conflict tends to be localized as long as ruling party thrives in the country.<br>Second, decentralization brings in the stability, when it is firmly supported by the historical state-building process. While Kenya and Tanzania formed the stable national boundary due to the harsh competition of suzerainty states, the boundary of Uganda had been created by the England, and great disparity existed among ethnic groups. Furthermore, strong authority in ethnic groups was derived from the kingdom of Buganda in Uganda and the kingdom of Arab in Zanzibar respectively after the independence, while other ethnic groups resisted it. It is Zanzibar, not Buganda that enjoyed special status of autonomy, and this different treatment of two groups could explain a large extent of today's conflict risks in two countries.<br>Third, devolution can convince people of creating new political legitimacy, which can eliminate all the suppressive systems derived from colonialism and stabilize the society. Devolution in Uganda and Tanzania was welcomed by the villagers because this did not resemble chief system in the past. Kenya did not introduce devolution system until recently, because chief system backed up the centralistic provincial administration system.

DOI： 10.11375/kokusaiseiji.165_97

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Authorship：Lead author   Language：English   Publishing type：Research paper (scientific journal)  

DOI： 10.1080/03057920902913875

Web of Science

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Language：English   Publishing type：Research paper (scientific journal)  

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：京都大学地域研究統合情報センター  

特集2: アフリカをみる世界の目

DOI： 10.24638/jcasreview.9.1_208

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Language：English   Publisher：Kobe University  

DOI： 10.24546/81000758

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Other Link： http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/handle_kernel/81000758

Language：English   Publishing type：Research paper (scientific journal)  

DOI： 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2006.09.017

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：The Japan Society for International Development  

<p>This article critically reflects upon the existing analytical framework for educational decentralization in responding to the current issues facing low-income countries. The existing framework on decentralization, which articulates the triangle relations among local government, citizen/client, and service providers, tends to overlook "divide" of actors that often arises and impedes implementation of educational decentralization at various levels of educational service delivery. The "divide" is influenced by the individual and institutional diversity in socioeconomic resources as well as attitudinal aspects including organizational culture of schools and mentality of teachers and community members. Furthermore, external political dynamics often interferes and overrides the outcome of educational decentralization.</p><p>The simultaneous implementation of decentralization and Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy adds more dilemmas between political legitimacy and central control embedded in decentralization policy. UPE tends to contradict with decentralization since it induces central control over educational provision by providing each child with equal amount of capitation grant through financial decentralization. The lack of local control over educational resources and imbalance among financial, democratic, and administrative decentralization results in different reactions and "divide" at various levels. The recent study in East African countries, namely, Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania confirms that the "divide" between various actors is apparent under the simultaneous implementation of the UPE policy and decentralization policy.</p><p>As a remedial perspective, the authors suggest to incorporate three lessons into the existing analytical framework; construction of balance among financial, democratic, and administrative decentralization, strengthening the role of the central government to minimize such "divide," and institutional development to promote mutual effect among actors. Without strong commitment to such efforts, participation and democracy as legitimacy of decentralization and UPE as legitimacy of education are likely to remain incompatible.</p>

DOI： 10.32204/jids.16.2_21

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Language：Japanese  

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：Tokyo University of Foreign Studies  

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Other Link： http://hdl.handle.net/10108/23729

Language：Japanese   Publisher：早稲田大学大学院社会科学研究科  

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Language：Japanese  

Environmental problems in China has become very serious, while its economy has still achieved marvelous economic growth in the 1990s. Japanese ODA has put the enormous emphasis on the environmental conservation in China: OECF's fourth 5 year program has been reshaped for that purpose; JICA has provided various projects for energy conservation, environmental protection and coal industry. Other governmental and local governmental contribution amounts to a great scale to demonstrate their interest. The Japanese Government has recently set up the policy framework in this area such as environmental model zone and environmental information network to enhance effective cooperation. That is welcomed at present, but yet insufficient. Considering weak capacity of administration, unrealized protection standard and large scale of land in Chinese environment, the more positive approaches to reduce SO2 is particularly required to combat air pollution and its subsequent effects on acid rain. Japanese aid should be reformulated to enhance the effectiveness of aid. Keeping energy conservation aspects in mind, three points would be recommended: 1) Strengthening the capacity of Japanese local governments coupled with ODA financing to its jurisdiction; 2) Implementing comprehensive cooperation programs of coal production, transportation and combustion with the option of political and economic means; and 3) Uniting international club to reduce SO_2 with China in exchange for making the outstanding Japanese contribution by any appropriate sources.

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Other Link： http://dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/10943582

Responsible for pages：126-152 (Chapter 6, co-author)   Language：English   Book type：Scholarly book

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Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

グローバルな展開において民主化や国際開発のもつ意味について現状を批判的に検討し、将来を展望する書。

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Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Responsible for pages：分権的制度の意義と形成185-208   Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Responsible for pages：東アフリカ民主化と分権化26-52   Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Responsible for pages：日本のEFA支援の制度改革74-100   Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Responsible for pages：紛争要因の研究動向51-62   Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Responsible for pages：ウガンダ初等教育無償化政策237-255   Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

In the trend of ODA reform, this book overviews concrete ODA policy and strategy, and suggests priorities.

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Responsible for pages：人道援助と開発援助のギャップ156-166   Language：Japanese   Book type：Scholarly book

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Language：English  

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所  

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：国際開発センタ-  

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：国際協力事業団国際協力総合研修所  

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：The Japan Society for International Development  

<p>Tanzania has been a model country of PRSP and HIPCs initiatives. Tanzanian PRSP processes indicate that the bilateral, especially the northern Europran donors play an important role in public sector reforms and combine with IFIs to promote PRSP to help Governments focus their resources and to make them accountable for their actions. Therfore, most reforms developed in PRSP depend heavily on the principle of partnership. Traditinal conditionality, which has been infamous for coercive imposition of development agenda on the developing countries by IFIs, has been gradually being replaced by "post-conditionality" bench mark. While it should be emphasized that adjustment lending policy has been basically unchanged, many PRSP/HIPCs conditions have proven to be soft, poverty-forcused and process-oriented in providing a sense of partnership to the recipient Government.</p><p>New partnership guides people engaged in various public sector reforms such as Public Expenditure Management and Public Sector Reform Programme by uniting vigor of bilaterals, IFIs and the Goverment. The PRSP tools such as PER/MTEF and its relationship with Sector Programmes have various tasks and deficiencies, but they have matched well with the effects of these reforms. Uganda, the leading neighbor, provides more successful examples. While the merit of PRSP is to set significant development targets in rural poverty, observing targets seem technically and thematically difficult.</p><p>Though the public sector reforms have been progressed, the reformer President, B. Mkapa is not so satisfied with donor relationship because of European donors' intervention into domestic affairs. The voices of donors sometimes become intolerable to him since they pressurize the goverment to accept critical claims while providing budget support to the same body. PRSP processes concentrate on the administrative executives in the Ministries and tend to disregard parliamentarians. In near future, the close link with legislature and civil society is very important for PRSP to consolidate the support base in the country to continue the reform processes.</p>

DOI： 10.32204/jids.11.2_133

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：The Japan Society for International Development  

<p>PRSP by World Bank is making very dramatic impact on the policy formulation in the developing countries. There has been a great difference in the receipt of ODA between Indochina and East African Community countries. External debts have been significant factors of receiving the amount of ODA and FDI and thereafter have affected the progress of social indicators. Indochina have been rather fortunate beneficiaries in the 1990s due to the presence of Japanese aid. Talking about EAC countries, HIPCs initiatives have impeded the inflow of lending assistance into Uganda and Tanzania, while stabilizing external debt situations.</p><p>Both Uganda and Vietnam have been considered as successful countries of economic growth and income poverty reduction in the 1990s. Popularity on the achievement of both countries is outstanding. But Vietnam has been transforming its industry structures and increasing saving rates, while maintaining high economic growth rate. Uganda could not reverse the trend of deterioration of social indicators in the same period, while accepting the constant amount of ODA as an exceptional receiver in Africa and achieving remarkable economic growth.</p><p>Therefore, Vietnamese poverty reduction and PRSP efforts can go through more growth and industrialization oriented process. Ugandan efforts are still needed to tackle with the improvement of social indicators. There is contrasting PRSP pictures in both countries. Interim PRSP in Vietnam can be considered a kind of social welfare programs and its PRS (HEPR) is a complement of Vietnamese growth programs. Uganda PRSP has tried to include full of World Bank-favorite ideas and concepts, since Uganda has been achieving similar reduction of income poverty as in Vietnam, but not growing out of human poverty.</p><p>It is useful and necessary for countries such as Uganda to adopt textbook type PRSP prescription on the short term. On the longer term, World Bank needs to think about the signiticance of individualistic PRSP country approach, since poverty has multi-dimension and the signiticance of varied characters in the developing country and the corresponding poverty reduction strategy should be individualistic.</p>

DOI： 10.32204/jids.10.1_91

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Language：Japanese   Publisher：国際協力事業団国際協力総合研修所  

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