担当区分：筆頭著者   記述言語：英語   掲載種別：研究論文（学術雑誌）   出版者・発行元：Oxford University Press (OUP)  

Abstract

Gender disparities in Japanese government are consistently high, but evidence of voter bias against female politicians is mixed. We argue that this discrepancy arises because some researchers measure Japanese voters’ first-order preferences (who they personally support) while other researchers measure Japanese voters’ second-order preferences (who they expect other voters to support). We call this gap between voters’ own preferences and expectations regarding others’ preferences the preference-expectation gap. Since this gap is a key mechanism of strategic discrimination, we test our argument using an experimental design modelled after research on strategic discrimination in the 2020 US Democratic primary elections. Based on two online conjoint survey experiments in Japan, our findings demonstrate the presence of a preference-expectation gap in Japanese public opinion on female politicians. Exploratory analyses of moderation effects reveal that female participants and those with more liberal views toward gender roles have larger preference-expectation gaps.

DOI： 10.1093/poq/nfaf002

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担当区分：筆頭著者,　責任著者   記述言語：英語   掲載種別：研究論文（学術雑誌）   出版者・発行元：SAGE Publications  

Recent studies of party politics suggest that non-policy attributes, or valence, of political parties significantly influence voter decision-making. However, no research to date has established exactly what types of valence matter and how they interact with parties’ policy platforms. This study therefore conducted a conjoint experiment in Japan and found that voters care more about party valence attributes with respect to presence, power, and legislative productivity, as well as the prevalence of scandals, compared to the level of continuity and experience. This pattern persists regardless of electoral system and partisanship. The results also imply that valence is not a substitute for policy and that the effects of valence and policy behave additively. These findings paint a picture of electoral competition centered on both a party’s policy offerings and its ability to meaningfully engage in the legislature rather than its continuing existence or the prevalence of incumbent members.

DOI： 10.1177/13540688251339631

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その他リンク： https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full-xml/10.1177/13540688251339631

担当区分：筆頭著者   記述言語：英語   掲載種別：研究論文（学術雑誌）   出版者・発行元：SAGE Publications  

How do smaller states position themselves in the biggest diplomatic forum when a regional power with which they share deep economic and political ties is engaged in foreign adventurism with its neighbors? We answer this question by examining how the five Central Asian countries (the “-stans”) have crafted their United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) speeches in the aftermath of three recent instances of Russian foreign adventurism: Russo-Georgian War in 2008, Crimea Annexation in 2014, and the Russo-Ukrainian War in 2022. Our quantitative assessment of the appearance of sovereignty frames in the UN General Debate corpus from 1992 to 2022 suggests that while historically the Central Asian states have refrained from invoking themes related to sovereignty, the recent full-scale invasion of Ukraine has shifted these countries’ position, whereby they no longer keep themselves away from discussions related to state sovereignty. The fact that Central Asian countries are willing to engage in discussions that are not liked by Russia suggests that these countries are attempting to make their concerns about an aggressive regional power known to the global community.

DOI： 10.1177/20531680241254190

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その他リンク： https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full-xml/10.1177/20531680241254190

担当区分：筆頭著者   記述言語：英語   掲載種別：研究論文（学術雑誌）   出版者・発行元：Oxford University Press (OUP)  

Abstract

While there is lively debate on whether higher education cultivates support for immigrants in North America and Western Europe, there is little discussion on the extent to which the relationship generalizes beyond these continents. In light of Japan’s growing reliance on foreign workers, increase in university enrollment rates, as well as efforts to internationalize universities over the last half-century, we explore the relationship between university education and Japanese attitudes toward immigrants. Using two surveys asking an overlapping set of questions in 2009 and 2022, we find the relationship between university education and pro-immigrant attitudes varies by generation. Otherwise positive connections are significantly weakened for Japanese who entered universities in the 1990s through 2000s. Even though Japan is a modern democracy with well-developed higher education institutions, these institutions do not always correlate with more supportive attitudes toward immigrants. Our findings underscore the dynamic nature of higher education’s role in shaping public opinion outside of North America and Western Europe.

DOI： 10.1093/ijpor/edad027

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担当区分：筆頭著者,　責任著者   記述言語：英語   掲載種別：研究論文（学術雑誌）  

DOI： 10.1111/SSQU.13152

Web of Science

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その他リンク： https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full-xml/10.1111/ssqu.13152

総ページ数：viii, 324p   記述言語：日本語  

CiNii Research

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出版者・発行元：Waseda Institute of Political Economy, Waseda University  

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出版者・発行元：Center for Open Science  

<p>This study provides preliminary evidence regarding associations between socioeconomic inequalities and variations in the number of COVID-19 confirmed cases across 923 municipalities in Catalonia, Spain, as of the 14th of May, 2020. We consider three types of inequalities at municipality-level: 1) economic development, i.e., unemployment rate, average income, immigrants proportion, and the prevalence of small residence; 2) health vulnerability, i.e., crude death rate and the proportion of elderly (aged 65 +) population; and 3) information communication, i.e., the proportion of people with tertiary education. In addition to the static analysis with the total sum of COVID-19 cases, the dynamic analysis with daily moving weekly sum of cases is conducted. The result draws a rather complex picture of relationships between contextual socioeconomic inequalities and the spread of COVID-19. Many indicators of economic inequalities imply the opposite relationship as intuitively suggested: economically disadvantaged municipalities tend to have less cases of confirmed infection than economically advantaged counterparts. The implications from health inequality indicators show mixed patterns: crude death rate is positively associated, but elderly population is negatively associated, with the number of confirmed cases. The indicator of information inequality shows a consistent tendency, i.e., municipalities with more university educated have less confirmed cases, but this tendency transforms across time: the negative association is particularly strong during the first month of Spanish “state of alarm” measure (mid-March to mid-April). Our evidence suggests the need for more careful consideration regarding the association between socioeconomic inequalities and the regional progression of COVID-19 pandemic.</p>

DOI： 10.31235/osf.io/5jgzy

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記述言語：英語   会議種別：口頭発表（一般）  

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記述言語：英語   会議種別：口頭発表（一般）  

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記述言語：英語   会議種別：口頭発表（一般）  

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記述言語：英語   会議種別：口頭発表（一般）  

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記述言語：英語   会議種別：口頭発表（一般）  

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